IMMACULATE CONCEPTION
CATHOLIC PARISH
Tome, New Mexico

7 Church Loop PO Box 100
Tome, New Mexico 87060
(505) 865-7497
(505) 865-7622 Fax

SERVING THE COMMUNITIES OF:  Tome, Adelino, La Ladera,
Las Maravillas, Pasitos del Cielo, La Constancia, Tavalopa, El Cerro
Mission South, Casa Colorada & Salomon Estates



HISTORY OF TOMÉ
&
IMMACULATE CONCEPTION PARISH
A WORD OF THANKS

The following historical stories are excerpts
taken from the book The Three Centuries
of Tomé, by Roberto de la Vega, 1976.

Special thanks to Father Robert Auman
for his permission to reprint portions of this
text.

Special thanks also to Mr & Mrs Ramon
Torres and Mr & Mrs Lawrence Lucero
for providing their copy of the book for use
on this website.
Tomé, A Spanish Village, The Founding, 1739


“Tata, how did our village get started?”
“Manuel, Tomé was established as a village by the Spanish government on July 30th, 1739.  Its official name was ‘Nuestra
Señora de la Concepción de Tomé Dominguez.’  The original settlers who were given the grant to establish the village were
genízaros.”
“What are genízaros, Grandpa?”
“Let me explain, Joseph.  The oldest records of human history show that ignorance, greed, and inhumanity drove human
beings to establish that most vile, most degrading institution known as chattel slavery.  Some human beings would reduce
other human beings to the status of things, objects to be bought and sold at will.  Often the slave had no rights whatever.  He
was at times beaten or even murdered at the whim of his master-owner.  Some masters took better care of their animals
than of their slaves, because slaves were cheaper than some animals.  Spain had abolished chattel slavery some 200 years
before Tomé was founded.  Unfortunately our own United States did not abolish chattel slavery until December 18th, 1865
with the 13th Amendment to our Constitution, 126 years after Tomé was established.”
“The gentile Indians, those living by hunting and plundering, like the Apaches and Comanches, would capture other Indians
when they raided their pueblos.  These Pueblo Indians were made into slaves of the hostile Indians.  When the gentile
Indians acquired too many Pueblo Indian slaves, they would sell them to other Pueblo Indians or to the Spaniards.  The
policy of the Spanish government was to encourage the Spaniards to buy the surplus Indian slaves in order to Christianize
them and rear them as members of their own families.  The Spanish called these Indians ‘Indios sirvientes or ‘genízaros’ (in
English ‘Janissaries,’ but with a different meaning).  The government forbade the Spaniards to sell them or treat them as
chattel slaves, and gave the genízaros Spanish citizenship.”
“Although the law was good and humane, Joseph, human beings being what they are, some Spanish masters abused their
genízaros.  Priests who knew of such abuses were to report them to the governor in Santa Fe.  Governor Gaspar Domingo
de Mendoza, who ruled from 1739 to 1743, decreed that the genízaros themselves could report such abuses to him.  Some
genízaros who were severely mistreated would flee to the nearest priest, Indian pueblo, or Spanish town.  In the 1730’s there
was a group of such genízaros living with their families in Albuquerque and farming the land on the outskirts.  As the
population of Albuquerque grew, conditions for farming  deteriorated.  In 1739, twenty-nine genízaro families petitioned Juan
Gonzales Bas, the chief alcalde of Albuquerque, to establish their own village.  Their petition reads as follows:”
‘Sir Senior Justice:  All the undersigned appear before you, and all jointly and each one for himself state, that in order that
His Excellency, the Governor, may be pleased to donate to them the land called Tomé Dominguez, granted to those who first
solicited the same and who declined settling thereon (Formerly, Joseph, others had asked to establish a village at Tomé, but
failed to carry out their desire.), we therefore ask that the land be granted to us.  We therefore pray you to be pleased
(manuscript here eaten by mice) at that time (manuscript again destroyed by mice) said settlers, we being disposed to
settle upon the same within the time prescribed by law:  we pray you to be pleased to give us the grant which you have
caused to be returned, as you are aware that our petition is founded upon necessity and justice, our present condition being
very limited, with scarcity of wood, pasture for our stock, and unable to extend our cultivation and raising of stock in this Town
of Albuquerque on account of the many foot-paths encroaching upon us, and not permitted to reap the benefits of what we
raise, and, in a measure, not even our crops on account of a scarcity of water, and with most of our lands of little extent and
much confined, etc.’
“Then, boys, there followed the names of the 29 petitioners.  These men with their families were to become the founders
and first settlers of our village.  The are: ‘Juan Barela, José Salas, Juan Vallejos, Manuel Carrillo, Juan Montaño, Domingo
Sedillo, Matias Romero, Bernardo Vallejos, Gregorio Jaramillo, Francisco Sánchez, Pedro Romero, Felipe Barela,
Lugardo Vallejos, Agustín Gallegos, Alonso Perea, Tomás Zamora, Nicolás Garcia, Ignacio Baca, Salvador Manuel,
Francisco Silva, Francisco Rivera, Juan Antonio Zamora, Miguel Lucero, Joaquin Sedillo, Simon Zamora, Cristobal
Gallegos, Juan Vallejos (grande), Jacinto Barela, Diego Gonzales.’  You will notice, boyys, that all these genízaros have
good Spanish surnames, the surnames of the masters who adopted them—and then mistreated them.”
“Don Juan Gonzales Bas, the alcalde mayor of Albuquerque, presented this petition to Governor Mendoza in Santa Fe.  The
petition was peculiar in so far that it was apparently the first time that anyone but Spaniards had petitioned the government
to establish a village of their own.  Now the genízaros would have proof whether or not they were first-class citizens with
rights equal to those Spaniards by birth.  The genízaros did not have long to wait for their answer.  Following instructions
from the Governor, who made the grant, the alcalde mayor of Albuquerque gave possession of the land to the petitioners on
July 30th, 1739.  And so our village was born, Manuel, 37 years before our nation was born.  Alcalde mayor Bas even
describes how he fulfilled the legal requirements to give the original settlers of Tomé formal possession of the grant.  ‘I took
them by the hand, walked with them over the land.  They cried out, pulled up weeds (they had those even at that time!), threw
up stones (those too!), as required by law.’”
“The boundaries of the original grant are listed as follows:  ‘On the west the Rio del Norte (Rio Grande), on te south the
place commonly called Los Tres Alamos, on the east the main ridge of the hill called Tomé Dominguez.’  Since te ruins of
‘the house of Captain Tomé Dominguez’ is mentioned as a boundary call, it seems likely that the old Dominguez hacienda
was located at the north end of Tomé, probably around the site of the present Menard Jaramillo farm.”
“Tata, was Tomé the only genízaro village established under Spanish rule?”
“No, Manuel.  Less than 10 years after Tomé was founded, genízaro villages had been established, one in Belen and the
other in Abiquiu.”
“Grandpa, how did things go for the first settlers of Tomé?”
“Apparently very well, Joseph.  The Franciscan Visitator, Father Juan Miguel Menchero, reported on May 10th, 1744, just 5
years after Tomé was founded, that there were already 40 genízaro families.  He wrote that, although they were of various
different tribes, they were getting along well, thanks to the efforts of Father Carlos Delgado, the pastor of Isleta, of which
Tomé was a ‘visita’ (mission).  The new settlers were neophytes, recently baptized Christians, who demonstrated zeal for
their Christian faith.  In fact, Father Menchero was surprised that, contrary to the Spanish custom of the government’s helping
to pay for the erection of a church in a newly-established village, the genízaros of Tomé were building their church ‘at no cost
to the crown.’  He further reported that the ‘Indios sirvientes’ were doing well at farming and defending themselves against
the raids of gentile Indians.  Four years later, in 1748, the population was still 40 families; but by 1766, it had grown to 60
families.  However, this growth does not seem to have been solely by the influx of genízaro families.  By about 1769, Tomé
lost its character of a genízaro Indian settlement.  So many Spanish families had moved in that it became a decidedly
Spanish village.  The original Indian settlers are presumed to have been absorbed by the Spaniards and was known to be, a
Spanish village.  In 1776, the Custodian, Father Dominguez, noted that there were 135 families in Tomé with a population of
727 people.”
“However, Joseph, when I say that the newly-founded village of Tomé indicated some growth and spiritual progress, I don’t
mean to imply that living in Tomé then was anything like living here now.  An early historical note on Tomé gives a different
impression.  Life in Tomé was considered so difficult that the village was thought to be a fit place to which the courts could
banish criminals.  There was a man named Cayetano Pasote, who had been convicted of assault with intent to kill.  The
Spanish records refer to him as a ‘lobo,’ a racial slur apparently referring to one whose parents were Indian and Negro.  The
Criminal proceedings were ‘sobre unas heridas y demás que dentro se expresa’ inflicted on Pasote.  On November 23rd,
1751 he was sentenced to 100 lashes, and in mercy, since his imprisonment for a year and a half had already purged his
offense in part, he was banished for 10 years and one day to the district of Tomé.”
Tomé Dominguez

 “Tell us something about Tomé Dominguez, Tata.”
“Manuel, Tomé Dominguez de Mendoza was a man of genuine distinction in both military and governmental circles.  He was
affectionately known as ‘El Mozo’ (The Kid), a nickname given him to distinguish him from his father of the same name, who
lived and died in New Mexico.  Tomé was married to one Catalina López Mederos, who bore him five known sons whom we
shall meet later.”
Tomé Dominguez first appears on the scene, boys, on December 15th, 1636 in Socorro, where he was commissioned
‘Captain’ and ‘Cabo de Despachos’ (Superintendent of Dispatches).  The latter office entailed special duties which gave
him the rank of Corporal.  These military appointments in the Spanish Army most likely led to his being appointed Lieutenant
Governor and Captain General to Governo Manso.  When Governor López succeeded Manso, he ousted Tomé Dominguez
and replaced him with his brother, Juan Dominguez.  His removal from office apparently created ill will between him and
Governor López.”
“Subsequent to his removal from the political scene in Santa Fe, Tomé Dominguez was given an ‘encomienda’ for the
Isletan Indians.  The ‘encomienda’ was a royal commission or charge over a group of Indians to see to it that they were
taught the Christian religion and protected in their property.  In his capacity of ‘encomendero’ or ‘alcalde mayor’ Dominguez
received a ltter from Governor López in August 1659, ordering him to see to it that the Isletan Indians were not made to work
for the friars (Franciscan Fathers) unless they were paid.  His duties as ‘alcalde mayor’ accounted for his taking up
residence in his ‘estancia’ (hacienda) in the Tomé area.  Dominguez was also appointed ‘procurador,’ a sort of attorney
general, whose office was to see that justice was carried out.  Apparently he carried out his duties toward the Indians well.  A
bond would be created between the Isletans and the future villagers of Tomé.  The Isletans would later come to the aid of the
Tomeseños during raids by hostile Indians.  Members of the two communities would also intermarry.  Tomé Dominguez’s
administration to the Isletans was surely to his credit.”
“The 1660’s were bad times in New Mexico, boys, times which led to the Indian Revolt in 1680.  A rift broke out between the
Franciscan Fathers and Governor López.  For us who are used to a separation of Church and State it is hard to realize the
serious consequences of such a quarrel at that time, when there was such a close interdependence of the two authorities.  It
appears at least a partial cause of the long-running dispute was an alleged interference with one another’s authority over the
Indians.  Our Tomé Dominguez in his office of ‘encomendero’ had some authority in both religious and civil matters
pertaining to the Isletans.  Before long he was in the middle of the dispute.  He took sides with the clergy against Governor
López, who had ousted him from the office of Lieutenant Governor.”
“The records show that in 1660 Governor López ordered Tomé Dominguez in his office of Cabo de Despacho’s to carry
dispatches to the Governor and the clergy.  Dominguez refused on the grounds that the reports contained many falsehoods.  
Furtermore he informed Governor López that, insofar as he (Dominguez) was also ‘procurador’ he did not have to act as a
messenger for the Governor but could give the Viceroy a full report in his own name.  This angered the Governor, who had
Tomé Dominguez detained in Santa Fe for 40 days, while another ‘procurador’ was appointed in his place.”
“Looks like a real battle brewing, Grandpa.”
“It surely was, Joseph; and it kept getting worse.  You see, boys, according to Spanish law the local governor had full civil
authority over all subjects, including the clergy.  But the law made one exception.  Since the King himself was subject to the
pope in matters religious and would surely be guided by him in civil matters, the civil law provided that the Commissary of the
Holy Office was above the Governor.”
“Now in 1661, boys, after the feud between Governor López and Tomé Dominguez was already two years old, Father
Alonso de Posada entered New Mexico as the new Franciscan Custodian, Superior of all the local clergy.  In that office he
still would have been subject to Governor López in civil matters.  But Father Posada carried with him another office, that of
Commissary of the Holy Office.  In this latter office he took a deposition from Tomé Dominguez regarding Governor López’s
administration.  (To think that anyone from Tomé, New Mexico would be on record in the Holy Office!)  Humanly speaking,
one would find it hard to believe that Tomé Dominguez under the circumstances mentioned above could give an unbiased
deposition concerning Governor López.  At any rate, Father Posada subsequently had Governor López arrested and his
property impounded.  The Governor was infuriated and would have arrested Father Posada, had Tomé Dominguez not
intervened.”
“Governor López was sent as a prisoner of the Holy Office to Mexico City for trial.  One cannot help but wonder what
thoughts ran through the mind of the Governor concerning Tomé Dominguez, when López heard the ‘Primera Monición’
(First Admonition), which the records of the Holy Office state as follows:  ‘Fuele dicho que en esta Santo Oficio no se suele
ni acostumbra prender ninguna personal sin que proceda información bastante de haber hecho o dicho, visto hacer o decir,
cosas que sean o parezcan ser contra Nuestra Santa Fe Católica, Ley Evangélica, que tiene y enseña la Santa madre
Iglesia de Roma:  y con esta información ha de creer que ha sido preso; por tanto, que se le amonesta por reverencia de
Diós diga la verdad y descargue su conciencia, para que se pueda usa con él de la misericordia que en este Santo Oficio
se acostumbra con los verdaderos confitentents; donde no, sepa que ha de hacer justicia.’  (He was informed that in this
Holy Office it is not the custom or practice to arrest anyone without there first being sufficient information that hea has done,
said, seen, or heard things which are or appear to be contrary to our Holy Catholic Faith, the Law of the Godpel, which our
Holy Mother, the Church of rome, maintains and teaches; and he is to believe that it was because of said information he was
arrested; therefore he is admonished out of reverence for God, to tell the truth and unburden his conscience, so that mercy
may be shown him as it is customary in this Holy Office to show to those who truly confess; if not, let him know that justice will
have to be done.)”
“Peñalosa was appointed the new Governor to take López’s place.  In January, 1663, he sent Tomé Dominguez to Mexico
City in an unsuccessful attempt to get the Holy Office to lift the embargo on López’s property.  The records show that on
September 16th, 1664, former Governor López died in his cell in the Holy Office prison in Mexico City before his trial had
ended.”
“The relationship between the new governor, Peñalosa, and Tomé Dominguez seems to have been quite smooth.  When
Peñalosa finished his term of office in early 1664 and set out for Mexico City, he appointed Dominguez as governor ad
interim until the arrival of the new governor, Juan de Miranda, in the spring of the same year.  Relations between Miranda
and Dominguez soon soured.  So great was Tomé Dominguez’s influence that, in a letter to the Viceroy in Mexico City
almost 20 years later, Governor Otermin described how Tomé Dominguez had led the opposition against Governor Miranda
and had him deposed a year after the Governor arrived.  Miranda was later reinstated.  Some claim that Miranda had acted
high-handedly with Dominguez and thus brought on the dispute.  One thing is sure, Tomé Dominguez was in the middle of
the Spanish in-fighting of the 1660’s.”
“Oddly enough it is from the period of the Indian Revolt, begun in 1680, that we find information on Tomé Dominguez and his
family that helps us understand his circumstances and character.  Much of this information is found in military muster rolls.  In
August, 1680, the same month the Revolt began, Tomé fled south to El Paso del Norte.  He passed muster as a ‘Maese de
Campo’ (Maestro de Campo).  He listed 4 soldier sons, 3 of whom were married, with a combined total of 8 children  Tomé’
s entire family, including servants, consisted of 55 persons.  At that time he made what appears to be a very doubtful claim
that 38 of his relatives had been killed by Indians.”
“The muster rolls indicate the Dominguez’s oldest son was Tomé III.  As a Sargento Mayor he was killed by Indians the
following year.  He was married to a Catalina Varela de Losala, a native of Santa Fe.  The second oldest son was Juan, 34
years old.  Shortly afterwards he was wounded in battle and disappears from history.  Diego was the third son of Tomé
Dominguez.  When he passed muster in 1681, he gave his age as 38 (not the only discrepancy in ages) and claimed to be
suffering from a wound made by a poisoned arrow.  He survived.  Shortly afterwards we find him engaging in black market
dealings between Guadalupe del Paso (Juarez), Parral, Sonora and Casas Grandes.  The last son listed in 1680 is
Francisco, 24 years old.  He later took part in Governor otermin’s futile campaign to retake New Mexico from the Indians.  
The records show he also engaged in illegal profiteering with his brother, Diego.  The youngest son, Antonio, was a minor in
1680, so he does not appear on the muster rolls.  In 1682, he fled Guadalupe del Paso with his wife, the former Juana
Romero.  More than likely all the sons of Tomé Dominguez left New Mexico during the Revolt, with or without permission of
the government, and never returned.  Judging from the conduct of most of them, we can say New Mexico was better off
without them.”
“Now, boys, let’s go back to El Paso del Norte and see what our friend, Tomé Dominguez, was up to during the Indian
Revolt.  In the war councils that Governor Otermin held, the records show that Tomé was long on advice but short on action.  
In 1681, he claimed to be 61 years old, suffering from the gout and stomach disorders, and boasting of having served the
King in new Mexico from the time he had ‘reached the years of discretion.’  Despite the fact tat Governor Otermin was in El
Paso del Norte feverishly trying to recruit an army for the reconquest of New Mexico, and despite Dominguez’s apparent
wealth, Tomé said he would be pleased ‘to accept an alms of His Majesty (whom God keep) because of his great poverty,
but he can’t accept any responsibilities as a soldier or settler.’  The fact that the Governor had laced Tomé’s younger brother,
Juan, in charge of the general muster for reconquest may have had something to do with Tomé’s reluctance to serve.  While
Tomé was boasting about the years of dedicated service, under most difficult circumstances that he and his family had
offered the King of Spain, others were accusing him of callousness and greed.  At the very outbreak of the Revolt the
previous year, while the people of Santa Fe were being besieged by the Pueblo Indians and in dire need of help, Tomé
Dominguez, a high ranking military officer, took pains to load up all his many possessions from his hacienda and head south
for El Paso del Norte.  He was not about to be caught in the fighting.  The records show that the carts were so heavy that he
had to bury ploughshares and other implements along the way to lighten the wagons.  And now, in 1681, it was said that,
while the remaining Spanish colonists were suffering and dying in New Mexico at the hands of the Indians, the entire
Dominguez family was profiteering from the general misery of the exiles in and around El Paso del Norte.”
“Tata, was Tomé Dominguez a bad man?”
“Manuel, no man is all good or all bad.  Tomé was like us.  Sometimes we do good; sometimes bad.  Yes, Tomé most likely
conducted himself improperly toward Governor López and during the Indian revolt.  But, as we saw, he must have treated the
Isletans very well that they remained so loyal to Spain and to the Christian religion.  People often remember only the bad we
do and forget all the good we do.  But, back to our story, Manuel.”
“After many delays Governor Otermin finally left El Paso del Norte in November, 1681, for New Mexico to put down the
Indian Revolt and regain the territory for Spain.  Juan Dominguez, Tomé’s younger brother and former resident of Valencia,
appears to have been second in command.  Their efforts failed.  Two months later, back in El Paso del Norte, Governor
Otermin blamed the failure of the reconquest in good measure on Tomé Dominguez.  He accused Tomé of impeding the
‘entrada’ (reconquest) and of obstructing the well-being of the exile colony in El Paso during the Governor’s absence.  Juan
Dominguez was indicted for similar charges and sent to Mexico City for trial.  Governor Otermin exiled Tomé Dominguez
from New Mexico for alleged misconduct.  The last thing we know for sure about our friend, Tomé Dominguez, is htat he was
living in exile with an uncle, Pedro Chavez, in what is today Chihuahua.”
“And so, boys, the distinguished Dominguez family with its ‘Capitan,’ ‘Cabo de Despachos,’ Lieutenant Governors,
‘encomendero,’ ‘alcalde mayor,’ and twice governor ad interim left nothing tangible in New Mexico except the name of a
village, TOMÉ.”
The Broken Promise

“Tata, tell us the story about ‘the broken promise.’”
“Oh, that’s just a legend, Manuel.”
“What’s a legend, Tata/”
“A legend is a story from ancient times, a story about which there is no historical proof.  Since a few more villages in New
Mexico have the same legend, no one can be sure if it is true.”
    “We don’t care whether it is true, Tata.  We’d just like to hear the story.”
    “Alright, boys, the story is told differently by different people.  The main points are these.  There was an Indian chief, a
hostile Indian, who was visiting one day with a prominent Spanish don.  The chief noticed that his host had a little daughter
about the same age as the chief’s son.  At the chief’s insistence the two parents agreed that, when the girl came of
marriageable age, she would be married to the chief’s son.  As the years passed, the Spanish father forgot about his
promise.  One day the old chief sent word that he was coming soon with his son, so that the marriage could take place.”
    “The father of the girl remembered the promise he had foolishly made.  Not wishing his daughter to marry the chief’s son,
he hit upon a plan to escape from te awkward situation.  He had a fresh grave dug in the church cemetery, put an empty
coffin in it, and then had the grave filled.  A wooden marker bearing his daughter’s name was placed at the had of the empty
grave.”
    “When the chief finally arrived with his son, the ‘grieving’ father told of the recent and tragic demise of his daughter.  He
led the Indians to the empty grave; and while he knelt and prayed for his ‘dead’ daughter, they tried to console him.  Not
wishing to embarrass the disconsolate father, the Indians left.”
    “Later the truth came out.  The Indian chief and his son were outraged.  The legend says that the chief led all his warriors
in a raid on the village of Tomé.  All the women and children were supposedly carried off as slaves; the church was burned;
and all but three of four men escaped to tell the story of ‘the broken promise.’
Indian Attacks on Tomé

     “But, Grandpa, even if the legend of ‘the broken promise’ is not true, isn’t it true that hostile Indians used to attack our
village?”
    “By all means, Joseph.  The following are documented attacks by Indians on Tomé.  The Burial Register, No. 2, from San
Felipe Church in Albuquerque contains a note stating that on November 9th, 1774, there was held the burial of 5 men from
Tomé who had been killed by gentile Indians.  At that time a priest from San Felipe Church used to attend the mission of
Tomé.  The same register notes that on May 26th, 1777, burial was held in tome for 21 men killed by Comanches.  They had
gone to Confession and received Holy Communion the previous day, so apparently there was a pitched battle and not a
massacre.  The next year in June 1778, there were 30 persons killed by Indians in the Tomé area.  Documento 1129 of the
Spanish Archives of New Mexico states 14 Indians from Isleta pursued raiding Natage Apaches in the vicinity of Tomé and
Belen during June of 1791.  The following month, according to an extant letter written by one Gigedo Revilla to the Governor
in Santa Fe, Natage Apaches attacked Tomé.  The Burial Register of Tomé, 1809-1855 notes Indian attacks on Tomé in
1833 and 1836.  You can see, Joseph, Tomé was one of the favorite targets for hostile Indian raids.  And the Tomeseños
were lucky to have the Isletans come to their aid.”
    “Did the government do anything to protect the Tomeseños, Tata?”
    “Yes, Manuel.  The Spanish government conscripted Spaniards and Pueblo Indians to form a citizen militia.  Hugo O’
Connor was sent to New Mexico in 1775-1776 in charge of military affairs for the Spanish government.  He suggested that
the Tomé-Valencia area then offer 30 Spanish conscripts.  Since he only wanted 80 men from Albuquerque, we can see
that at that time Albuquerque was only about twice as big as our area population.  By 1819, the citizen militia company of
Tomé listed 222 men with 64 firearms and 2,400 arrows.”
The Church

     “Grandpa, tell us something about the Church in Tomé in Spanish times.”
    “Joseph, it is easy for us to understand the history and the influence of the Church in Tomé.  However, for those not of our
culture the tremendous influence of the Church on our lives may be something of a mystery even if they are Catholics.”
    “For the Anglo Christians, whether Catholic or not, the Church is an organization to which one belongs.  They speak of
being members of the Church.  For them the Church is more or less important, more or less necessary additive to their
lives.  But we of Hispanic culture view the Church in a different light.  For us the Catholic Church is not an organization to
which we belong, of which we are members.  Rather, we ARE the Church.  The Church is not a society ‘out there’ which we
join.  It is not an added ingredient to our lives any more than our Spanish blood is an additive to our being.  The Church IS
our life, at least in part; it is a part of US rather than our being a member of it.  That is why it is hard for us to view the
Catholic Church objectively, apart from us, just as it is hard for anyone to view himself objectively.  Since the Church is part
of us, we are always inclined to view it subjectively.  For example, when the Anglo Catholic has violated conscience, he may
want to check to see whether objectively he has violated the Catholic religion; that is, he may want to compare his beliefs
with those of the Church.  We see no need in doing that.  When we violate our conscience, we know we have violated the
precepts of the Catholic religion simply because we have violated our conscience.”
    “To be a native Tomeseño is to be a Catholic Christian, just as much as it is to be Spanish-Indian.  The Catholic religion
is as much a part of us as is the Spanish and Indian blood that flows in our veins.  We simply take both of them equally for
granted.”
    “You see, Joseph, hardly has Catholicism penetrated any culture so deeply as it has the Spanish culture.  It is identified
with the Spanish culture, being part and parcel of that way of life.  Generally those born of Spanish culture think as
Catholics.  Their philosophy of life, the way they look at things, stems from the Catholic religion.  The Anglo makes a neat
distinction between religious and secular customs.  He can do this because religion is something added to his life on this
earth, something he can live with or live without.  We can’t make such distinctions because religion is part of our life.  We
can’t distinguish between religious and secular customs because religion is part of our life.  We can’t distinguish between
religious and secular customs because religion enters into, permeates everything we think and say and do.  For us religion
is like yeast in dough, the dough being all phases of our life; for most Anglos religion is like raisins in the dough.
    “Because the Catholic religion acts as a leaven in our lives, even those of us who do not have a good intellectual grasp
of our religion, or who do not even practice it formally, still think along Catholic lines and comply socially with customs which
have sprung from the Catholic Church.  The secular and religious elements blend so well to form the Spanish culture that
they become indistinguishable.  For us Hispanics there is nothing purely secular nor purely religious.  The is baffled at
hearing that some Mexican bandit is wont to wear a rosary or a crucifix or some religious medals around his neck.  To the
Anglo these are strictly religious objects, and so the bandit is practicing hypocrisy.  To that bandit there are no purely
religious objects.  He is simply complying with a custom, not a religious custom but a cultural custom.  To ask the bandit why
he prays to the Mother of God for success on a raid makes as much sense to him as it does to ask him why he eats beans
and chile, or why he lives in a house built according to Spanish architecture.  The Anglos prays only to put himself in more
intimate contact with God.  We too pray for that reason.  But because prayer is so much a part of our way off life, by praying
we may be simply carrying out a cultural custom of which we might have little understanding.”
    “With all of this, Joseph, you can see why we Tomeseños have not always maintained Catholicism in all its pristine
beauty.  Since it has blended into our lives so well as often to become unidentifiable, the Catholic religion has not only acted
upon us but we have also acted upon it.  Moreover, the founding fathers of our village, the genízaros, naturally left us some of
their former philosophy and culture, which was simply ‘baptized’ or Christianized by the Spaniards.  In addition, many of us
today have had some exposure to a Protestant-Christian or even an unchristian Anglo culture.  (We cannot but breathe the
air that surrounds us.)  Nevertheless, to this day we are predominantly Spanish Catholic Christians in the way we think, the
way we act, the way we feel – with one exception, politics.  In our approach to politics we are not Spanish but Mexican and
American.  For us God is supreme over all things and enters into all things, except politics.  For all of us, to chat on the
quality of a bale of alfalfa violates our morality; but for most of us, to play dirty politics violates no morality.  The successive
Mexican revolutions, which managed to separate Church from State, left their impression in New Mexico.  And even more
have we been brainwashed by the legal interpretations of our American Constitution, so that we have succeeded in
banishing god and the Church from the field of politics to the degree that we are amoral in politics.  In matters of politics we
make mental signs which read, ‘No God Allowed.’  Occasionally we even play the hypocrite by having an ‘invocation’ –
presumably to ask God to stay out.  Politics is the only part of our lives in which we do not allow God to have a place.  And in
this way we see eye to eye with our Anglo neighbors.”
The Church Building

      “Tata, when was our church built?”
     “Manuel, the only parts of our present church which are original, as far as can be determined, are the towers (at least in
part) and the sanctuary.  These date from 1750, 26 years before the United States became a nation.  A note made at that
time in a Marriage Register of San Felipe Church in Albuquerque, of which Tomé was a mission, states that Bishop
Elizacoechea of Durango, Mexico, gave permission in 1742 for the church to be built in Tomé.  It further states that the
church was completed in 1750 and blessed by Father Roybal, the bishop’s vicar in Santa Fe, in 154.  This year, the 200th
birthday of our nation, our church is 226 years old.”
     “What did our church look like when it was first built, Grandpa?”
     “We are fortunate, Joseph, in having two eyewitness accounts of what our church looked like, one when it was just 10
years old and the other when it was 26 years old.”
     “The earliest description of our church, Joseph, dates from 1760.  Bishop Tamaron took over the Diocese of Durango,
Mexico in 1758.  At that time all of New Mexico belonged to the Diocese of Durango.  One of the first acts of the new bishop
was to visit his far-flung diocese.  He set out from Durango in October, 1759, and kept a diary which is still extant.  On May
19th, 1760, he reached Tomé, which he called the first settlement of the interior.  (He probably came direct from El Paso,
staying on the east side of the Rio Grande and bypassing Socorro, which had not been resettled yet after the Reconquest.)  
By July 7th, Bishop Tamaron had returned to Tomé after visiting all of the Spanish settlements and missions as far as Taos
except for Zuni and a few other pueblos to which traveling conditions he was back in El Paso after having been provided in
Tomé with supplies, horses, and an escort for the 10-day journey south.  (As far as history shows, this was the first visit of a
bishop to Tomé and the last visit of a bishop during the Spanish Colonial Period.  The Tomeseños would wait 73 years
before they saw another bishop.)”
     “Tata, what did Bishop Tamaron write in his diary about our church in  1760?”
     “Manuel, the Bishop recorded that Tomé was a new settlement (población nueva), and that it could turn out to be one of
the best because of its good lands and irrigation.  (There was some irrigation already at that time.)  The Bishop wrote: ‘An
adequate (decente) church has already been constructed.  It is 33 varas (a vara was about a yard) long and 8 wide.  It has a
transept (crucero) and 3 altars.  It is dedicated to the Immaculate (Purisima) Conception.  There is a house for the priest,
who is one from the town (villa) of Albuquerque.’
     “Sixteen years later, Manuel, we have another description of our church.  This is from the year, 1776, the year our nation
was born.  The Franciscan Father, Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, was commissioned to make a complete and detailed
report on the spiritual and economic status of the New Mexico missions.  After visiting the missions of the Rio Arriba, his
party was scheduled to leave Santa Fe on July 4th, 1776, the very day when back east in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,
American Independence was declared.  Fortunately Father Dominguez’s report is still extant.”
     “Boys, after passing through Albuquerque and Valencia the Father Visitor wrote about Tomé in the following words:  ‘The
river is in flood from mid-April to the end of June.  The line of the freshets depends on whether the winter snows have been
heavy or light; but they never fail, for it always snows more or less.  In a very rainy year the flood season lasts a long time,
and the longer it is the greater damage it does, whether to people or cattle that are drowned, or to farmlands that are swept
away, or even to nearby houses that are carried off.  This damage is so extreme that they assure me that in the year ’69
(1769) of this century the river, turning east, flooded the greater part of Tomé, to the total destruction of the houses and
lands.  It follows this course to this day; and as a joke—let us put it so—it left its old bed free for farmland for the citizens of
Belen, opposite Tomé; and they still have it:  and Father Claramonte, from whom I heard this story, has seen it planted.’”
     “Father Dominguez goes on to describe the church in Tomé as follows:  ‘There is a chapel of Our Lady of the Conception
in Tomé, which the settlers have built; and it is as follows:
     ‘The chapel (he correctly calls it a ‘chapel’ rather than a ‘church’ because there is no resident pastor.) is adobe with thick
walls, with the out look (from the altar) and door to the west.  It is 36 varas long, 8 wide, and the same high, with 58 wrought
beams (vigas).  There is no choir loft.  Two windows to the south on the Epistle side, and a little belfry with a cracked bell.  
The main door like that of the missions has a wooden lock and key.  There is no cemetery.
     “Its furnishings are as follows:  in the center of the upper (front) wall, there is a niche like an arch containing a middle-
sized completely carved image in the round of Our Lady of the Conception.  She has imitation lace on the edge of her
mantle.  Her wardrobe consists of 6 silver reliquaries, an escutcheon and medal of the same (silver), a small reliquary and 5
medals of bronze, an ordinary rosary set in silver, another silver one (rosary).  She has a crown of gilded cardboard on her
head.  Fine pearl earrings in her ears.  Around her neck two strings of ordinary pearls.  On her wrists bracelets of black jet.  
On her fingers 12 silver and copper rings.’
     ‘There are two rather middle-sized mirrors above the arch or niche, and 14 old but not torn canvasses arranged on the
whole wall.  There is a gradin (a shelf built above, and attached to, the altar), and on it stands a middle-sized Jesus
Nazareno in the round in old clothes:  a completely nondescript tabernacle with a key; a cross for Mass.  The altar table is
adobe with an altar stone, wooden missal stand, 2 bronze candlesticks, and a little bell.  In the nave there is a badly-made
wooden confessional.’
     ‘There is a set of (Mass) vestments consisting of a white satin chasuble with all accessories; amice, alb, cincture, altar
cloths, pall, finger towel, corporals, purificator; chalice with paten and spoon (for adding just a drop or two of water to the
wine), all of silver; small silver vials fro the holy oils, which came from the King and are kept in a little tin-plate box; glass
cruets on a Puebla plate.  Wit the exception of what I specified as coming from the King, everything was provided by the
settlers.’
Tomé’s Struggle to Become a Parish

      “Tata, when did Tomé become a parish with a resident priest?”
     “Manuel, the earliest documented account detailing specific religious services in Tomé is from 1776.  The Franciscan
Father Visitor reports:  ‘The settlers hold their Holy Week function in the chapel and always the annual feast of the titular
patron, and the Christmas novena.’  And again Father Dominguez, the Visitor, notes that the people of Tomé do not expect
these religious services as free gifts, but are willing to contribute their share to the material needs of the Church.  ‘For all
this alms are collected from the settlers, and they amount to seeds, chile, wool, sackcloth, and similar things.  These are
given to the padre who comes to perform the aforesaid, who is usually not their own minister (pastor) because he is
extremely busy at the head mission (San Felipe in Albuquerque)’”
     “From this last remark, Manuel, we see that Tomé did not yet enjoy the status of a parish.  A parish is an independent
spiritual family with its own resident priest and sufficient members to make it self-sustaining.  Smaller populations having
their own church but no resident priest are called ‘missions’ or ‘visits.’  Their church is not an ‘iglesia’ but a ‘capilla’
(chapel).  The ‘parish’ may include several missions with their chapels.  The parish church, where the pastor resides, is
called the ‘iglesia parroquial’ or the ‘cabecera.’  In times past Tomé, as with other parishes, had many missions, each with
a chapel to attend.  When traveling conditions were difficult, it was considered practical for the pastor to travel to the
missions rather than have all the people of the missions travel to the parish church.  In those places where traveling
conditions have changed and the people of the missions travel to the parish seat or even beyond to conduct other business
to shop, to seek medical aide and recreation, etc., obviously little, if any, spiritual benefit is derived from the pastor’s going
to the mission to provide spiritual services.  However, the people in the missions in true atavistic fashion do remain
sentimentally attached to their local chapel and often retain a certain jealous pride about it.  Naturally our people realize that,
especially in the face of a continued scarcity of priests, it is impractical to depend upon services in the mission chapels to
sustain a vigorous spiritual life.”
     “Not until 1821, boys, at the end of the Spanish rule did Tomé become a parish.  During the Colonial period a peculiar
struggle went on for 61 years to try to make Tomé a parish.  During that time, Tomé was administered to as a mission of
Isleta, Belen, or San Felipe in Albuquerque.”
     “Of the original 29 founders of Tomé in 1739 undoubtedly most, if not all, were married men with families.  Just how
many persons were represented by those 29 names is unknown.  But we do know that 21 years later, Bishop Tamaron
recorded that he confirmed 402 persons in Tomé.  This would indicate a marked increase in population from that of the
original founders, so much so that the bishop stated that he had already asked the Franciscan Father Custodian in El Paso-
Juarez to assign a friar to Tomé, apart from Albuquerque, and thus make Tomé a parish.  Bishop Tamaron even wrote: ‘I
believe he has already done so.’  But the Father Custodian probably had no priest to spare, for he never assigned one to
Tomé.”
     “It was 16 years later, Manuel, in 1776, that we find the next recorded census of Tomé.  Father Dominguez, the
Franciscan Visitor, wrote:  ‘Here is the CENSUS:  135 families with 727 persons.  A year before that the Bishop of
Durango had requested the Father Custodian to make an investigation as to the feasibility of separating Tomé from
Albuquerque to form a new parish.  The bishop’s letter is in the archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe.”
     “But once again, boys, the Bishop of Durango failed to succeed in making Tomé a parish.  Eighteen ears later Durango
tried again.  In 1794, Father Francisco Soto, who was in charge of the Diocese of Durango following the recent death of the
bishop, wrote to Father Bernal in Belen that the bishop had approved the creation of a parish in Tomé.  However, no
Episcopal permit for such action could be found.  As a result Tomé remained a mission and was to be attended by Fray
Ignacio Sánchez of Isleta, despite the fact that even the governor (Concha) had requested that Tomé be made a parish.”
     “Before long Tomé was again a mission of San Felipe in Albuquerque.  There is a letter on record, dated April 20th,
1809, in which the Father Custodian is asked to detach Tomé from Albuquerque and give it back either to Isleta or Belen.  
This petition was prompted by an explicit request of one Bartolomé Baca, an influential resident of Tomé.  It appears that
the resident pastors of Albuquerque, Isleta, and Belen were all trying to ‘dump’ Tomé on one another.  This was quite
human and understandable, when each saw his own work-load increase by an influx of more people.”
     “Finally, boys, the day arrived for Tomé to become a parish with its own resident priest.  Our chancery office contains a
letter, dated July 3rd, 1821, written by Father Rubi, the Franciscan superior in Belen.  In it he instructs Father José Ignacio
Sánchez, the pastor of Isleta who had been taking care of Tomé, to turn Tomé over to its first pastor, Cura Manuel
Madariaga, a secular (diocesan) priest.  Three days later the first pastor of Tomé took possession of the newly-created
parish.  After 61 years the struggle to make Tomé a parish was over!  The oldest document in the archives of the Tomé
parish is an inventory of church goods which the pastor found on the day of his arrival  It begins thus:  ‘Ymbentario de las
balajas, ornamentos, y vasos sagrados de esta Yglesia de la Purisima Concepción de Tomé, que entregó el R. P. José
Ignacio Sánchez al Presbitero Dn. Fran. Manuel de Madariaga, Cura de esta Parroquia hoy 6 de Julio de 1821.’  Among
the church furnishings that he goes on to list, most of them being ‘viejos,’ is a copper baptismal basin (pila), which is now
displayed in our museum.  Later that same year, to insure peace in the new spiritual family of Tomé, the Franciscan
Custodian in El Paso wrote to the Franciscan pastor of Belen not to interfere in the new parish of Tomé.  The Chancery also
possesses a document from the same year, in which the settlers of Las Manzanas request to settle in Casa Colorada,
which would become a mission of the parish of Tomé.”
     “Thus it was, boys, that our parish was born on July 6, 1821, just two months before Mexico declared her independence
from Spain.”
The Santos

       “Grandpa, where did our santos come from?”
      “Joseph, historical documents to prove the authorship of this or that particular santo from the Spanish period are hard to
come by.  We must rely on New Mexican historians who gather bits of information here and there and make their own
conclusions.  Since each historian has the same information but draws different conclusions, obviously the historians are not
always in agreement.”
      “The oldest statue that we have in our church is that of the Santo Entierro (Christ in the Coffin).  Father Rallier, pastor, left
a note stating that he had this statue of the dead Christ retouched in 1894 by Trinidad Mondragon of Morelia, Mexico.  At
that time they noted the date, ‘1722,’ painted on one of the feet.  The pastor believed that was the date when the statue had
been purchased or formerly retouched.  The features of the statue are clearly Spanish.  It most likely came from Spain via
Mexico.  The statue is of wood with patches of leather at the armpits to give the statue movement.”
      “About the only thing that historians can agree upon concerning the ancient paintings that grace the walls of our church is
that they are from the late 18th century.  Some think that they were done by Antonio Silva, a local santero (maker of religious
statues).  It is more probable that they came from a santería (factory for religious objects) in Mexico, where religious objects
had to be produced in large quantities as new churches were erected.  It appears that several artists worked on each
painting.  The historians agree that La Virgen (La Patrona, La Nana Virgin) and El Cristo (the large crucifix) are the work of
Antonio Silva, one of the oldest and best bulto carvers in New Mexico.  These two pieces are considered good examples of
his work.  They were made specifically for our church about 1790 and have remained there since that time.  But for a few
years La Virgin Patrona, the Blessed Virgin Mary of the Immaculate Conception, has stood in her niche above the altar for
nearly 200 years.”
      “The isolation caused by the difficulty in traveling in early New Mexico accounted for the localization of certain art types.  
The Tomé-Valencia area is known for its preponderance of the large, facile types of sculpture.”
      “With this, boys, we close the history of Tomé during the Spanish Colonial period from 1739 to 1821.  The Mexican
revolution of Independence is about to begin.  We will have to haul down the Spanish flag and raise the Mexican flag over
Tomé.”
Tomé.  A Mexican Village

The Native New Mexican Revolt:  1837-1838

      “Grandpa, what was it like in Tomé when we were a Mexican village?”
      “When the Mexican government took over New Mexico, it introduced direct taxation, which had been unknown in the
Colonial period.  The independent-minded settlers balked at this.  Moreover, the Mexican government practiced centralism
to a greater degree than had the Spanish government.  All this was especially irksome to the people, both Indians and non-
Indians, living north of Santa Fe.  The revolt broke out on August 1st, 1837 in La Cañada, the Santa Cruz-Chimayo area.  It
was led by one José Angel Gonzales, a genízaro from Ranchos de Taos.  By August 10th, the rebels had taken Santa Fe
and killed the Mexican Governor Perez.  They elected as governor their own leader, José Angel Gonzales.”
      “Manuel Armijo had been governor from 1827 to 1828.  He had fallen on hard political times and had recently been
removed by Governor Perez from his post as customs officer.  At the time of the Indian Revolt, as this rebellion was called,
he was a political leader in the Albuquerque area.  His own brother is alleged to have intimated that, when Manuel heard of
the rebellion, he hurried to Santa Fe in the hope that the rebels would make him governor.  Be that as it may, Manuel Armijo
was soon to be fighting against the rebels.”
      “Ex-Governor Manuel Armijo set out to restore ‘civic peace, harmony and good order.’  He mobilized a militia from
Valencia County to demonstrate the ‘good dispositions and obedience of the people.’  A meeting was held at Tomé, where
a declaration (pronunciamiento) was made on the day of the Fiesta, September 8th, 1837, a month after Governor Perez
had been murdered.  The declaration reads as follows:
      ‘Pronunciamiento in Tomé, September 8th, 1837, by the citizens, lovers of their country, for the Constitution and their
laws…
      ‘…In the Post (military) of Tomé, on said 8th day of September of the current year, 1837, the inhabitants of said Post
and of Santa Maria de Belen, having assembled with their respective alcaldes, the parochial curate (Father Madariaga) of
the first (Tomé), the lieutenant of the active militia, and the honored citizen, Manuel Armijo, of the Jurisdiction of
Albuquerque, fearing the disorders caused by the anarchy into which the Territory has been plunged by the murders done to
the chief authority (Governor Perez) and other public officials, knowing the iniquitous measures which the so-called ‘Canton
of La Cañada’ is taking to destroy civic peace, harmony, and good order, and desiring to subject themselves to the laws
and to repress the insults with which at every step they are being threatened, to protect their property, and to inform the
supreme government (Mexico) of the good dispositions and obedience of which the District of Albuquerque assures it, they
have agreed on the following articles…’  The declaration goes on to list 10 articles of war.  Among them Armijo is declared
Commandant, the Isletans are asked to remain neutral, and a promise is made to reimburse citizens for anything the militia
has to take from them to put down the rebellion.  Those signing the declaration are:  Manuel Armijo, José Salazar, Pablo
Salazar, J. Francisco Montoya, Miguel Olona, and Manuel Madariaga.”
      “Manuel Armijo left for Santa Fe with his militia and began fighting the rebels under ‘Governor’ Gonzales, the rebel
chief.  He managed to defeat them near Santa Cruz on January 27th, 1838.  Before having the rebel leader executed,
Armijo supposedly said to the famous Padre Martinez of Taos (and formerly of Tomé):  “Confiese a este genízaro para que
le den cinco balazos.’  (Hear the confession of this genízaro, so they can put five bullets into him.”)  After executing
Gonzales, Manuel Armijo took over the duties as governor.  For his loyalty the Mexican government confirmed him as
governor for the next eight years, 1838 to 1846.  When the American troops invaded New Mexico in 1846, Armijo fled
south.  He is supposedly buried under the floor of the church in Socorro.”
Tomé Becomes a Town (Villa);
      Casa Colorada, a Village (Pueblo)

       “Grandpa, did Tomé used to be bigger than it is now?”
      “Yes, Joseph.  Even before the end of Spanish rule in 1821, Tomé had been elevated to the status of a Villa or Town
with its own Ayuntamiento or municipal government headed by an Alcalde or Mayor.  In 1824, the first census of Tomé
taken by the Mexican government contains the following:  297 farmers, 56 craftsmen, 7 merchants, one school teacher, 101
day laborers, one priest, 712 single men, 692 single women, 289 married men, 289 married women, 28 widowers, 33
widows, and one coeducational school.  The total population was 2,043.  At the same time Santa Fe had a population of
5,160; Belen, 1,768; Socorro, 1,824; and the entire Territory, 43,433.”
      “One action taken by the municipal government of Tomé during the Mexican Period is of significance to the local
people.  In 1821, the year of Mexico’s independence, the settlers of Las Manzanas (scattered settlements along the
Manzano Mountains) requested permission to form a village on the site of Casa Colorada.  Two years later, in June,
Ayuntamiento of Tomé ordered all inhabitants of the outlying settlements, many of which had been depopulated because of
Indian attacks, to move to established villages which offered some protection.  Then on September, 15th, 1823, the
municipal government of Tomé made the casa Colorada Land Grant, which gave birth to the village of that name.  The
original settlers of the Casa Colorada Grant are listed as:  José Maria Perea, Rafael Perea, Antonion Torres, Dionisio
Maldonado, Eugenio Barela, Domingo Lucero, Vicente Torres, Juan Cruz Turrieta, Julian Sánchez, Abrán Sánchez, Miguel
Archuleta, Gregorio Sedillo, José de Jesus Maldonado, José Sedillo, Miguel Lucero, Rafael Sedillo, Guadalup Perea
(widow), Matilde Montoya (widow), Cristobal Jaramillo, Rafael Torres, Buenaventura Sánchez, Manuel Baca, José Baca,
Juan Antonio Serna, José Antonio Benavidez, Carlos Baca, Juan Agustín Barela, Vicente Moya, Antonio Torres, sr., Julian
Benavidez, Tomás Benavidez, José Gallegos, José Maria Sedillo, Antonio Torres, 2nd, Joaquin Sánchez, Mariano Pino,
Esteban Baca, Andrés Zamora, José Antonio Sedillo, Juan Castillo, and Tomás Sánchez.”
      “During the Mexican Period, Joseph, an interesting dispute broke out between the people of Tomé and those of Belen
over certain islands that had been formed by the Rio Grande.  The Land Grants of both towns extended to the river, Tomé’s
on the left bank and Belen’s on the right.  Both towns laid claim to the islands formed in the river bed.  The local political
chief, Don Francisco Sarracino, commissioned a Vicente Otero from Valencia to try to settle the dispute.  His reply remains
in the Spanish Archives of New Mexico:
      ‘In compliance with the decree of Your Excellency of the 9th of October last, I went to the locality of Casa Colorada on
the 15th inst., where because of said decree I ordered the appearance before me of the Alcaldes of Belen and of Tomé
and their assistants; and when they were present, I showed them the commission by which Your Excellency entrusted me to
investigate the litigation in regard to the islands that had been formed by the Rio Grande on this side.  In consequence
thereof, both Alcaldes and their assistants entered into conference as to their rights in the said suit, and arrived at an
agreement that the suit should be suspended until such a time that the Tomé document (o incorporation) could be found,
because there was no one who could explain the extent of said Grant, for which purpose this document was made, which I
report to Your Excellency for your superior knowledge.  God and Law.  Valencia, November 29, 1834; from Vicente Otero to
the Senior Political Chief, Don Francisco Sarracino.’
      “Joseph, another indication of the growth of Tomé at this time is seen by the fact that on May 22nd, 1837, new political
divisions were made in New Mexico, and Tomé was made the capital of a Partido (section) consisting of Tomé,  Valencia,
Belen, and Sabinal.”
      “It is also a little known fact that the Mexican government established a regular mail service over the Chihuahua Road
(El Camino Real) twice a month.  However, by the 1840’s, the mail came only once a month and quite irregularly at that.  
Santa Fe and Tomé were the only post offices in all of New Mexico at that time.”
The Parish

       “Tata, how did our parish do uring the Mexican Period?”
      “It appears, Manuel, that there was more activity in our parish during that time.  However, it might be just a question of
having more documents available the closer we come to our own times.”
      “What happened, Grandpa?”
      “Let’s take a look, Joseph, in chronological order, at what the extant historical documents have to say.  We have already
seen that our parish was erected officially on July 6th, 1821, just two months before Mexico declared its independence from
Spain.”
      “The first historical note of this period is a sad one, boys.  On May 3rd, 1824, the Franciscan Father José Ignacio
Sánchez, the pastor of Isleta, was buried in the sanctuary of the church in Tomé by Father Madariaga, the pastor of Tomé,
after having received the last rights.  Father Sánchez had been pastor of Isleta for some time.  Just why he was buried in
Tomé instead of Isleta we can only speculate.  It may have been that he was taken sick and had come to stay in the rectory
of Tomé in the hope of finding better medical treatment.  If he died here, it was only natural to bury him here.”
      “Did the death of Father Sánchez create a shortage of priests, Tata?”
      “I should think so, Manuel.  There were not a great number of people to be cared for, only 43,000 in the whole of New
Mexico according to the census taken by the Mexican government in that same year.  But the distances involved and the
poor condition of the roads made communication very difficult.  The same census states that there were only 17 priests
serving the whole Territory of New Mexico:  three at San Ildefonso, two at Taos and Picuris Pueblos, and one each at Santa
Fe, Pecos Pueblo, Santo Domingo, Jemez Pueblo, Sandia Pueblo, Alameda Pueblo, Albuquerque Villa, Tomé, Belen, and
Socorro.  Over two-thirds of the priests were working in Indian Pueblos.”
      “On October 12th, 1826, the Church of Tomé received a little prestige.  On that day its pastor, Father Madariaga, took
his oath of office as Vicar Forane (dean or bishop’s representative) for the Rio Abajo.  This deanery included the parishes
of Jemez, Albuquerque, Isleta, Tomé, and Socorro.  (When the census was taken two years earlier, apparently the parishes
of Isleta and Socorro were without priests.)”
      “As always in life, boys, not all was peace and harmony.  In 1828, there was a law suite involving the citizens of Tomé
and those of the mission chapel in Valencia concerning the building of a new parish church in Tomé on higher and safer
ground, farther away from the river.  The people of Tomé stated that their church was already 80 years old.  (This would have
meant that the church was completed in 1748.  It was actually finished in 1750.)  They stated further that it was in a
precarious state due to flooding.  The people of Valencia, as members of the parish, were expected to work in building a
new parish church.  The Mexican Governor, Manuel Armijo, ordered all parishioners to cooperate.  But the people of
Valencia objected.  They argued that the walls of the Tomé church were not even cracked.  They offered to help repair the
church but not to build a new one.  They won their day in court, because a new one was never built.”
      “Is it true, Grandpa, that the people on the other side of the mountains, like those in Manzano, were dependent upon
Tomé for spiritual attention?”
      “Yes, Joseph.  As early as 1829, there is a record in the Chancery containing the petitions by the people of Manzano to
build a public chapel and set aside ground for a cemetery in the Plaza de Apodaca, so they would not have to go to Quarai
for services.  Their request is dated August 25th and directed to Cura Madariaga of Tomé.  On September 4th, Father
Rascon, the Vicar General in Santa Fe, granted their request.  Four years later, on August 12th, 1833, Bishop Zubiria of
Durango made a pastoral visit to Tomé and renewed permission for the Manzano cemetery.  Apparently this was Bishop
Zubiria’s first visit to the Territory and the first time a bishop had set foot in New Mexico for 73 years.”
      “Is that all we know about the bishop’s visit, Tata?”
      “We also know, Manuel, that Pope Gregory XVI had given Bishop Zubiria the faculties to delegate priests to administer
the Sacrament of Confirmation, which is usually reserved to bishops.  On October 21at, 1833, the bishop delegated the
current and future pastors of Taos and Tomé to confirm.  Two months prior to this he had urged the people of Tomé to
rebuild their church ‘as they had promised.’  He complained that the roof over the sanctuary was so bad that Mass could not
be celebrated on the high altar.  Three years later, on March 7th, 1836, the bishop recorded that there was trouble in Tomé
between the pastor and the people, trouble which had not existed when he had visited Tomé.  It is a good bet that the
trouble resulted from the people’s refusal to build a new church, as the bishop had directed.  It was also at this time that the
people of the Tomé parish received the services of the famous Father Martinez, who later was reported to be living in
concubinage while pastor of Taos.  Father Martinez was probably substituting for the pastor during the latter’s absence.  
Whether his conduct in Tom”e was any cause for scandal has not yet been discovered.  At any rate, the pastor, Father
Madariaga, did not have to put up with trouble very long.  On November 17th, 1838, after a pastorate of 17 years, he was
buried in the parish church by his successor, Father Lucero.”
      “Father Lucero did not remain long as the second pastor of Tomé.  In less than a year he handed over the parish to
Father Rafael Ortiz, as a note in the Baptismal register of Tomé (1835-1847) indicates.  Incidentally, the Baptismal
registers of this time indicate a rapid growth in the population of Tomé.  Father Ortiz was still pastor, when Bishop Zubiria
made another pastoral visit to Tomé on May 30th, 1845.  A note in the Baptismal Register of that time, signed by the
bishop, commends Father Ortiz for the repair of the rectory and urges a similar repair of the church.  (Our poor parish
church!  What a struggle to get it repaired!  This should teach us, boys, that it is better not to have to make major repairs, to
keep the church in good repair at all times.  Besides, it is much cheaper that way.)”
      “On October 5th, 1845, as the Burial Register of Tomé (1809-1855) indicates, Father Ortiz handed over the parish to
the fourth pastor, Father José de Jesus Cabeza de Baca.  He would remain in Tomé for nearly 8 years; and he would see
some far-reaching changes for his parish.  In less than a year he would be living under another political regime, that of the
United States of America.  And four years later, he would be subject to a different ecclesiastical government, that of the first
bishop of Santa Fe.”
      “There was one unpleasant incident of interest that happened to Father Baca during his first Lent in Tomé and just six
months before General Kearny arrived in Tomé with the American troops.  For some years the pastor of Tomé had been
living in Valencia.  Just why, I do not know.  During that time it was customary for the parishioners of Tomé to invite their
pastor to have Holy Week services in the parish church of Tomé.  It was already the middle of Lent in 1846, and the people
of Tomé had not extended their customary invitation.  The pastor took this lack of invitation as a snub and prepared to have
Holy Week services in Valencia.  For this he wanted to borrow some statues from the church in Tomé.  On Laetare Sunday,
March 22nd, the fourth Sunday in Lent, Father Baca said Mass in Valencia and then set out for Tomé to pick up the statues.  
The Justice of the Peace of Valencia went with Father and at least three other men to bring the statues.”
      “As Father Baca and his companions were approaching the church in Tomé, they noticed a group of men milling about
the government buildings on the plaza.  Father claimed he saw men carrying rifles.  He told the sacristan of the church in
Tomé to invite José Manuel Sánchez, the Justice of the Peace in Tomé, and other men to help him remove the statues.  The
sacristan returned from the government buildings stating that the Justice of the Peace told him that neither he nor any his
men could come then because they were too busy.  The priest took this as another insult and concluded that Justice
Sánchez had assembled armed men to prevent his borrowing the statues.  Father told his companions that they would leave
without the statues in order to avoid violence.”
      “The pastor then walked over to the government buildings to talk to the men outside.  Someone informed Justice
Sánchez that the curate was approaching.  Sánchez went outside to meet him and greeted him.  The priest told him that he
wanted nothing from him, that he didn’t even want to talk to him, that he wanted to talk to the people.  Faced with such an
affront from the priest, Sánchez went back inside to tend to his business.  The priest with his companions started back to
Valencia without the statues.”
      “The following day Father Baca wrote a letter to the governor, Manuel Armijo, relating the incident as he saw it and
asking that justice be done.  He wrote not only as pastor of Tomé but also as the local ecclesiastical judge.  (You see, boys,
the Church then as now has its own courts.  At the time, pastor of Tomé was the dean or head of the local church district.  
Probably for that reason he was named church judge.  Both the office of Pastor as well as that of ecclesiastical judge
carried weight in the eyes of the civil magistrates.)  Governor Armijo immediately suspended Justice of the Peace Sánchez
and demanded that he be tried.”
      “The Judge of the First Instance, D. Antonion Sandoval of Barelas in Albuquerque, ordered the trial to begin
immediately.  During the trial it was revealed that on Saturday, march 21st, Justice of the Peace Sánchez had received
notice from the district military authority that the Navajo Nation had declared war on the settlers and that he was to recruit
and arm as many men as possible.  He was doing that very thing when the priest arrived to remove the statues.  Apparently
neither he nor any of his men had known the reason for the priest’s visit.  The trial cleared Sánchez of any fault.  
Nevertheless, Governor Armijo, who had suspended Sánchez from office at the beginning of the trial for his ‘scandalous
crime,’ refused to reinstate him in office as Justice of the Peace of Tomé because he was ‘responsible’ for all the
commotion!”
      “There, boys, you have a classic example of what happens when people misjudge, get angry about their misjudgments,
and then break off all communication by refusing to speak to one another.  Let that be a lesson for you always to be willing
to communicate with others.  Once the door of communication has been closed, matters can only go in one direction, from
bad to worse.”
Art

       “Tata, some people say our ancestors were artistic, and others say no.  Were they really artistic?”
      “Manuel, I say they were; but then I’m liable to be prejudiced.  You see, art does not deal with precision or exactness
like mathematics.  The object of art is the beautiful.  Now, what is beautiful depends largely upon the individual.  What is
beautiful to one person may be ugly to another.  Saint Thomas Aquinas said, ‘Beautiful is that which, when seen, gives
pleasure.’  It would be better to let qualified people from outside Tomé pass judgment on the artistic abilities of our
ancestors.”
      “Artistically, Tomé is known for its ‘Semana Santa’ or Passion Play.  I have never found any definite date when this
pageant began here in Tomé.  More than likely it had its origins, as did other religious dramas in New Mexico, in the
‘mysteries’ or ‘miracle plays’ of the 16th century in Europe.  Our Play, like most of the others in New Mexico, was probably
written by a Spanish or Mexican missionary.  Its chief purpose was surely not to entertain but to instruct the people in the
greatest event in the history of the world, the redemptive act of our Lord.  The play demonstrated the piety of our ancestors
in the practice of their faith.”
      “To take the word of an outside, during the late Spanish Colonial period and throughout the Mexican period, Tomé also
developed an independent type of folk bult-making.  It seems that Antonio Silva, whom we mentioned before, gave the
impetus to the local statue making-in-the-round.  Apparently our ancestors did not produce many statues, nor were they
widely distributed.  Those they did make have the characteristic features of large size and facile execution.  They were on
the ‘Fleshy’ side.
      “Manuel, what some consider to be the masterpiece of the Tomé Area Group of bultos was the Cristo (Christ on the
cross) which used to be in the Valencia chapel.  Archbishop Gerken had it removed and put in the Cristo Rey Church in
Santa Fe, where it still can be seen.  As far as anyone knows, the bulto makers of the Tomé area, like most others in new
Mexico, were poor, unlettered farmers and villagers.  Their work is extraordinary, when we consider that they lacked
instruction, refined tools, and proper materials.
Tomé Under the Flag of the United States
       American Conquest

       “Tata, how did Tomé come to be an American village under the authority of the United States?”
       “It came about this way, Manuel.  On may 13th, 1846, the President of the United States, James Knox Polk, wit the
consent of the Congress, declared that a state of war existed between Mexico and the United States.  Immediately he
organized what he called ‘the Army of the West’ under the command of General Stephen Watts Kearny.  The orders were to
march west to California and bring under the rule of the United States all territory then held by Mexico.  The United States
Senate required that the Secretary of War communicate to the senate ‘a copy of notes of a military reconnaissance of the
route from Fort Leavenworth in Missouri to San Diego in California by Lieutenant William H. Emory, of the topographical
engineers, with a map of the said rout.’  Emory made a detailed day by day report on the march of the Army of the West
through New Mexico.  Fortunately that report exists and gives us a detailed account, among other things, of the parish fiesta
in Tomé in 1846.”
       “The Army of the West left Fort Leavenworth in June, 1846, with 1,558 men.  It picked up American volunteers as it
marched along.  On August 7th, the soldiers crossed the Raton Pass, setting foot in New Mexico for the first time, according
to Emory’s report.  They passed through what is now Wagon Mound and Watrous.  As they neared Las Vegas they kept
picking up rumors that the Mexican Governor, Manuel Armijo, was planning armed resistance.  Supposedly, he had 600
soldiers stationed near Las Vegas to prevent its capture by the Americans.  The rumors proved false.  The Army marched
into Las Vegas without resistance.  Let’s listen to Lieutenant Emory tell what happened, as he saw and heard it:”
       ‘At eight (o’clock) precisely, the General was in the public square, where he was met by the alcalde and the people,
many of whom were mounted; for these people seem to live on horseback.’
       ‘The General pointed to the top of one of their houses, which are built of one story, and suggested to the alcalde that if
he would go to that place, he and his staff would follow, and from that point, where all could hear and see, he would speak to
them; which he did as follows:’
       “Mr. Alcalde and people of New Mexico:  I have come amongst you by the orders of my government, to take possession
of your country, and extend over it the laws of the United States.  We consider it, and have done so for some time, a part of
the territory of the United States.  We come amongst you as friends—not as enemies; as protectors—not as conquerors.  
We come amongst you for your benefit—not for your injury.”
       “Henceforth, I absolve you from all allegiance to the Mexican Government, and from all obedience to General Armijo.  
He is no longer your Governor (great sensation).  I am your Governor.  I shall not expect you to take up arms and follow me,
to fight your own people who may oppose me; but I now tell you, that those who remain peaceably at home, attending to their
crops and their herds, shall be protected by me in their property, their persons, and their religion; and not a pepper, not an
onion, shall be disturbed or taken by my troops without pay or by the consent of the owner.  But listen!  He who promises to
be quiet and is found in arms against me, I will hang!”
       “From the Mexican government you have never received protection.  The Apaches and the Navajoes come down from
the mountains and carry off your sheep and even your women, whenever they please.  My government will correct all this.  It
will keep off the Indians, protect you in your persons and property; and, I repeat again, will protect you in your religion.  I know
you are all great Catholics; that some of your priests have told you all sorts of stories—that we would ill-treat your women and
brand them on the cheek, as you do your mules on the hip.  It is all false.  My government respects your religion and allows
each man to worship his Creator as his heart tells him is best.  Its laws protect the Catholic as well as the Protestant, the
weak as well as the strong, the poor as well as the rich.  I am not a Catholic myself—I was not brought up in that faith; but at
least one-third of my army are Catholics; and I respect a good Catholic as much as a good Protestant.”
       “There goes my army—you see but a small portion of it; there are many more behind—resistance is useless.”
       “Mr Alcalde and you two captains of the militia, the laws of my country require that all men who hold office under it shall
take the oath of allegiance.  I d not wish for the present, until affairs become more settled, to disturb your form of
government.  If you are prepared to take oaths of allegiance, I shall continue you in office and support your authority.”
       ‘This was a bitter pill; but it was swallowed by the discontented captain, with downcast eyes.  The General remarked to
him in hearing of all the people:  ‘Captain, look me in the face, while you repeat the oath of office.’  The hint was
understood—the oath taken, and the alcalde and the two captains pronounced to be continued in office.  The people were
enjoined to obey the alcalde, etc, etc.  The citizens grinned and exchanged looks of satisfaction, but seemed not to have the
boldness to express what they evidently felt—that their burdens, if not relieed, were at least shifted to some ungalled part of
the body.’
       ‘We descended by the same rickety ladder by which we had climbed to the tops of the houses, mounted our horses,
and rode briskly forward.’
       “Boys, according to lieutenant Emory’s diary, General Kearny made the same speech in other villages along the way to
Santa Fe.  There he did the same thing in the afternoon of August 18th, 1846, as he stood on the roof of the Palace of the
Governors.  Emory recorded that day:  ‘As the sun was setting, the United States flag was hoisted over the Palace (of the
Governors), and a salute of 13 guns fired from the artillery planted on the eminence overlooking the town.’  And so New
Mexico became a part of the United States.”
       “In Santa Fe, Manuel, rumors persisted that General Armijo was leading troops north to move against the Capital.  
General Kearny decided to head an expeditionary force down the Rio Grande to investigate.  They left Santa Fe on
September 2nd.  On September 6th, the soldiers camped in Peralta.  For the events of the next two days, let’s read from
Lieutenant Emory’s campaign journal.  Remember, boys, that this is a non-Catholic, Anglo, military officer making a detailed
report of everything he saw and heard.  He had been ordered to give a copy of this report to the United States Senate.”
       ‘September 7th, [1846]…We marched and encamped near Tomé.  It was the eve of the fete (fiesta) of Tomé in honor of
the Virgin Mary, and people from all parts of the country were flocking in crowds to the town.  The primitive wagons of the
country were used by the women as coaches.  These wagons were heavy boxes mounted on wheels cut from large cotton-
wood; over the top of the box was spread a blanket, and inside were huddled in a dense crowd the women, children, pigs,
lambs, and ‘everything that is his.’  The man of the family usually seated himself on the tongue of the wagon, his time divided
between belaboring his beasts and scratching his head.  In one of these wagons a violin was being played , and the women
who were sitting on their feet made the most of the music by brandishing their bare arms and moving their heads to the
cadence.  At night there was a theatrical presentation in the public square.  The piece dramatized was from the Old
Testament.’
       ‘During the day I had been puzzled by seeing at regular intervals on the wall surrounding the capilla, and on the turrets of
the capilla itself, (which be it remembered is of mud) piles of dry wood.  The mystery was now to be cleared up.  At a given
signal all were lighted, and simultaneously a flight of rockets took place from every door and window of the chapel, fireworks
of all kinds, from the blazing rockets to children’s wirligigs, were now displayed in succession.  The pyrotechny [fire art] was
the handicraft of the priests.  I must say the whole affair did honor to the Church and displayed considerable chemical
knowledge.  Most of the spectators were on mules, each with his woman in front; and it was considered a great feat to
explode a rocket under a mule’s belly without previous intimation to the rider.’
       ‘September 8th.  Long shall I remember the fete of Tomé, a scene at once so novel and so striking.  Today, my duties
called me off early in the morning.’
       ‘I had to examine the guides in reference to the route to California, and engage such as I might think fit for the trip.’
       ‘My last interview of this kind was in a species of public building, or guard house, where a number of Mexicans had
collected with arms.  Several written tablets hung around the walls, but they were perfectly illegible.  Our business was cut
short by the passing sound of music.  A strange sight presented itself.  In a sedan chair [las andas; a small, portable
platform], borne by four men, was seated a wax figure [La Patrona], nearly as large as life, extravagantly dressed; following
immediately were three or four priests with long tallow candles a full yard in length.  Some American officers followed, each
holding a candle.  [They joined the process out of courtesy.]  Unfortunately I emerged just as this group was passing, there
was no escape; and the moment I joined, a grave Mexican—apparently a man in authority—thrust a candle into my hand.  I
thought of my coat, my only coat, the coat which was on my back, and which must take me to California, and back again into
the interior of Mexico!  Suddenly there was a halt without any word of command, and in the confusions we jostled each other
and distributed the tallow in great profusion.’
       ‘It was thought proper that the officers should show every respect to the religious observances of the country;
consequently they did not decline participation in these ceremonies.’
       ‘The procession ended at the church.  After the services there were concluded, we repaired to the house of the padre,
where we found a collation.’
       ‘We had proposed attending a theatrical representation going on in the open air, but a heavy squall of wind and a few
drops of rain put a stop to this amusement; and all retired to dress for the fandango, which is the name given to all
collections of people where there is music and dancing.’
       ‘A cotillion was attempted in honor of the Americans present, but this cold and formal dance soon gave way to the more
joyous dances of the Coona [La Cuna], the Bolero, and the Italiana.  Every variety of figure was introduced, but the waltz was
the basis of all except the Bolero, which, as danced here, resembles our negro jig.’
       At the dance, we found a very plain, but very intelligent, woman, the sister of [General] Armijo.  She said he would return
as soon as he settled his affairs in Chihuahua.’
       “And there, boys, you have an eyewitness account of what our Parish Fiesta looked like to an Anglo outsider 130 years
ago.  As you see, the Lieutenant was trying to be factual and objective.  Fortunately we have another eyewitness account of
the same Fiesta by another Anglo, non-Catholic military officer.  We can learn a lot about ourselves and others by comparing
these two eyewitness accounts.  The second account is by a Colonel john Taylor Hughes, who was assigned to be the
historian of Colonel Doniphan’s Expedition with the Army of the West.  Hughes writes that he kept ‘a hastily written diary on
the march.’  But how different his account is from that of Emory’s.  Hughes was not the keen observer that Emory was, and
he injected his personal views and prejudices into his diary.  Now let’s read his diary.”
       ‘This town [Albuquerque], numbering about 800 inhabitants, takes its name from the apricot groves in it vicinity, this fruit
being called by the Mexicans, “Albuquerque.”’
       ‘The valley of the Del Norte [after passing Peralta on September 7th, 1846] heightens in interest and in the richness and
variety of its grain and fruit productions, as you descend toward the south; while the population gradually becomes more
intelligent and less mixed with the Pueblo Indian races, speaking a language more nearly resembling the Castilian than the
inhabitants in the more northern district.  At the distance of about five miles below Peralta, we arrived at San Tomé, a small
town containing eight hundred inhabitants.  This place was named in honor of one of the Patron Saints of the country.  Here
the people were assembled from all the neighboring villages and ranchos, to the number of three thousand, for the purpose
of celebrating the anniversary of the Holy Vision, or the Inception of the Virgin Mary.  The occasion was rendered doubly
grand, when the inhabitants of the place were informed of the arrival of General Kearny and his troops, as they were
seemingly anxious both to testify their respect for the new governor (Kearny) and also more effectually to impress us with an
idea of the pompous character of the Church, to make a dazzling exhibition of its commemorative rites.  They were ignorant
of the fact, however, that we were plain republicans [citizens], and rather detested than admired their unmeaning pomp and
senseless mockery of religion.  It should be observed here that the doctrines of Catholicism, or of the Romish faith, are
neither understood nor practiced in their purity by the laity or clergy of New Mexico.  Error has crept into the Church.  The
worship has become absurdities and the grossest ceremonies.  The Church is benighted.  ‘Darkness has covered the earth
and the gross darkness the people.’  Hence there worships is little better than a caricature on the more enlightened worship
of the Catholic Church in the United States and other Christian countries.’
       ‘The General and his Staff took up their quarters in town, while the volunteers (soldiers) and regulars encamped in the
suburbs.  About 8 o’clock at night, the town was most brilliantly illuminated by the pine faggots that blazed from all the walls
of the city and from the top of the churches [the plural is a mistake] and the private houses.  The General was saluted by the
discharge of musketry and escopetas, as he entered the town.  For four hours an incessant discharge of firearms and the
throwing of skyrockets and fireballs were kept up.  The elements were lurid with long, zigzag streams of fire for three hundred
feet high.  The Catherine-wheel made a circle of red light like a dizzy comet.  These rockets would sometimes explode in the
air, and sometimes fall among the throng and explode, producing great confusion and tremendous shouts of laughter.’
       ‘At the same time all this was going on, in another part of the public square there were perhaps fifteen hundred persons,
mostly women, boys, and girls, listening to a comedy or some kind of theatrical exhibition, which was being performed by
several ladies and gentlemen on a stage erected in a large piazza fronting the square.  Everything was said in the Spanish
language, so that the Americans who were present—very few could speak in that tongue—were unable to appreciate the
merits of the play or say whether it was original, or whether it was from Shakespeare or the Bible.  The women were
promiscuously intermingled with the men, and the music of instruments with the discharge of rockets, firearms, and the
shouts of the throng.  The whole made a horrid discord.  The pageant would have been imposing, had it been attended with
order and solemnity.  Was this ‘serving God in Spirit and in truth?’
       ‘This strange performance attracted the attention of such of the men (soldiers) as were struck with its novelty.  Some
went, induced by curiosity; others that they might gain information of what was going on.  When a goodly number of men had
left camp and gone into town to witness what might be seen there, Lieutenant Colonel Ruff sent Lieutenant Sublette, the
officer of the guard that night, with a file of men who, proceeding into the town, picked up such of the soldiers as had left
camp without permission; and having collected them to the Lieutenant Colonel’s tent, who immediately ordered them to be
detained as an extra guard for the next day.  Ruff, whose popularity had been constantly decreasing, was now become
odious to the men.  They held meetings in the camp.  Some advised that he should no longer be allowed to hold command;
others, that they should baptize him in a filthy lake hard by [the river]; while others again thought that the best means of
treating him would be to tie two asses together with a lariat, and make one of them pass on one side of his tent and the other
on a different side, and thus drag his tent down and roll him topsy-turvy in his sleep.  “He would then rise,” they said, “like Rip
Van Winkle from forty years of slumber.”  All these expedients failing, it was said that the door of his tent was thrown full of
the entrails of the sheep which had been slaughtered for the use of the Army.  His bedding was, therefore, bloodied and his
tent filled with stench.’
       ‘On the next day this celebration was renewed.  The church was crowded to over-flowing, ‘though ample enough to
contain two thousand persons.  The altar was lighted up by twenty-four candles.  Six priests officiated.  General Kearny and
Staff officers, and also some of the officers of the Volunteer Corps were present, and looked and no doubt felt supremely
ridiculous, each one holding a long, greasy tallow candle in his hand, which was to be blown out and relighted at certain
intervals during the ceremonies.  But it is a good maxim perhaps, “When in Rome do as Rome does.”  Every Mexican that
entered the church bowed and worshipped the Holy Virgin, then the infant Savior in the manger, and then the crucified Savior
on the Cross.  A very aged and decrepit lady came in muc affected, bowed before the Savior and worshipped him, and
tremblingly wiped her falling tears on the robe with which the image was clad.’
       ‘During the whole time, singing, instrumental music and the firing of musketry were strangely commingled.  The same
airs were played in the church gallery on the violin that were usually played at the Mexican fandangos.’
       ‘The Padre walked about the Plaza amongst the crowd after the conclusion of the ceremonies, while four men
suspended over his head a gilded canopy.  He was also preceded by a file of men firing their escopetas, and followed by a
number of altar boys throwing rockets, which kept up a continual racket, making the heavens dizzy with streams of fire.’
       ‘As already observed, the Mexicans are remarkably fond of gaming and other amusements.  Accordingly, towards
evening, horse racing, dancing, and gambling occupied the attention of the throng.  Great quantities of ripe fruit, grapes,
melons, sweet cakes, and various other commodities were brought hither for sale by the market women, upon asses and
sumpter horses.’
       ‘San Tomé, which is about one hundred miles from the Capital, was the southern terminus of our campaign.’
       “Boys, you can easily see the difference in the tone of the reports given by Emory and Hughes.  Both describe the same
events.  The former is objective and passes no judgment; the latter is subjective and hostile.  Hughes’ report demonstrates
that cultural and religious intolerance which has shown itself—and still does—from time to time among those who come from
different backgrounds and observe us.  This is not Americanism at its best.  Don’t you boys ever judge people like that.”
       “Grandpa, did the people of Tomé offer any resistance to the American soldiers when they marched into Tomé?”
       “No, Joseph.  General Kearny, arriving back in Santa Fe three days after the Fiesta, made a formal report of his
campaign in the following letter:
       Headquarters, Army of the West—Santa Fe, N.M.—Sept. 16, 1846
       Sir:  Since my communication to your of the 1st inst., I have marched with 700 men about 100 miles down the Del Norte
to the village of Tomé.  The inhabitants of the country were found to be highly satisfied and contented with the change of
government, and apparently vied with each other to see who could show to us the greatest hospitality and kindness.  There
can no longer be apprehended any organized resistance in this Territory to our troops; and the commander of them,
whoever he may be, will hereafter have nothing to attend to but to secure the Inhabitants from further depredations from the
Navajo and Eutaw Indians.’
       “Although the New Mexicans generally welcomed the Americans, one incident did make the American government
jittery.  Governor Bent, the first military Governor appointed after the American conquest, was murdered in January, 1847,
not long after his arrival.  The United States feared a revolt by New Mexico.  Extra soldiers were brought in to occupy the
country.  A detachment of 20 soldiers from the military command in Albuquerque was stationed in Tomé in the fall of 1848.  
The following year, they were withdrawn without having encountered any opposition.”
Tomé, the County Seat

       “Is it true, Grandpa, that Tomé used to be the county seat?”
       “Yes, Joseph, New Mexico formally became a Territory of the United States by an act of Congress in 1852.  No doubt
both the number of people and the fact that the Mexican government buildings were already here were factors which led to
Tomé’s  being declared the seat of the largest county in New Mexico at that time, its southern border meeting that of
Mexico.”
       “one of the first official acts of the Valencia County government was to conduct the trial of one Felipe Garcia in April,
1852.  The court record reads as follows:
       ‘That Phillippi Garcia, late of the County of Valencia, laborer, not having the fear of God before his eyes, but being
moved and seduced by the instigation of the devil, on the 23rd day of April in the year of Our Lord, 1852, with a large stick
of no value [inflicted] two mortal wounds three inches in length and one in depth, and with a certain case knife, made of iron
and steel of the value of fifty cents [cut] the throat of the said Thadeus E.S.C. Canter feloniously, willfully and with malice
aforethought did strike out and cut and give unto said Thadeus E.S.C. Canter two mortal wounds of two inches and the
depth of five inches, of which said mortal wounds the said Thadeus E.S.C. Canter languished and languishly did live and
did die contrary to the law…’
       “The indictment was returned on April 27th.  The trial was held two days ater, and on the same day the defendant was
found guilty.  The verdict was recorded in these words:  ‘We, the jury, find Felipe Grasilla gilte of muder and worthery of
deth.’  [The Americans wanted the record in English, so it was put in English.]  Garcia was hanged on May 25th at high noon
and buried in the parish cemetery.”
       “Three years later, boys, Frontier Judge Kirby Benedict stopped in Tomé on his circuit ride to try the interesting Acoma
Pueblo case.  He was accompanied by a W.W.H. Davis, who fortunately kept a journal of the circuit ride, even ‘though he
could find little good about New Mexico to put into it.’  Later David wrote a book, entitled El Gringo, in which he describes
the courthouse of Tomé at that time:  ‘The room was long and low, and had a platform slightly elevated at one end for the
judge, a small talbe for the members of the bar and clerk, and three benches for the rest of the world.  The light of heaven
that was shed upon the proceedings struggled manfully through two small and dirty windows, and partly dispelled the gloom
within.’
       “The Acoma Pueblo case, which Judge Benedict tried in April, 1855, concerned a painting of Saint Joseph, which
originally had hung in the church of Acoma.  The Acomas loaned it to the Laguna Pueblo for a Holy Week service, after
which the Lagunas refused to return it.  After some years a question arose as to who was the rightful owner of the painting.  
A priest mediator asked both sides to pray that justice be done.  Then he proposed that lots be drawn to determine the
rightful owner.  He made 12 identical cards and placed them in a vessel.  Eleven of the cards were blank; one had a
drawing of St Joseph.  Two little Indian girls, one from Acoma and one from Laguna, began drawing the cards, one by one.  
On the fifth draw the Acoma girl drew the sketch of St Joseph.  The priest mediator declared that both God and St Joseph
indicated that the painting should be given to Acoma.  Although the Lagunas had agreed to the plan of deciding by lot, they
refused to release the painting from their church.  Then the Acomas armed themselves and went to Laguna to take the
painting by force.  The priest of Laguna was able to persuade the Acomas to allow the Lagunas to keep the painting in
order to spare the shedding of blood.  But the Acomas took the case to civil court; and it was this case that judge Benedict
sat on in Tomé.  He decided in favor of the Acomas.  The Lagunas appealed; and in 1857, Supreme Court Justice
Davenport upheld Benedict’s decision.  Judge Benedict commented on the tremendous religious attachment both pueblos
had to the painting.
       “Tata, how come the county seat is now in Los Lunas?”
       “Politics, Manuel, politics.  It was political influence which caused the county seat to reside in Belen and in Los Lunas.  
On December 21st, 1875, the Territorial Legislature decreed that the county seat be located in Los Lunas.”
       “Is it true, Grandpa, that the pastor of Tomé used to be the county superintendent of schools?”
       “Yes, Joseph, but not for long.  He was appointed by the County Commission in 1887.  He went to work in the fall to
assist the 1,165 children who that year were attending public schools.  The curriculum consisted of reading, Writing,
geography, Arithmetic, Bible History, and in some schools, Grammar.  In some schools attempts were also made to teach
English.  Most schools opened that year in November.  On December 31st, 1887, the Superintendent made a written report
to the County Commission on the condition of the schools and reminded them that the teachers whom  he had managed to
obtain, had not been paid.  By January 25th, 1888, the Commission had met, did not even read his report, and did not
furnish any teacher salaries.  Consequently on that day Father Ralliere wrote to Felipe Chavez, President of the
Commission, informing him that the priest was resigning.  The fact that some of the teachers in the county schools were
graduates of the priest’s own private school probably angered Father Ralliere the more.”
       “Tata, I heard that at one time all the people in our village were in danger of losing their homes in a land dispute.”
       “Just how great the danger was, Manuel, in question; but there surely was some danger.  The Portales newspaper,
dated July 23rd, 1904, carried the following article:  ‘After litigation extending over 13 years, the suite of the town of Tomé in
Valencia County against Julian Chavez has been settled.  Chavez claimed 600 acres of the Tomé Grant upon which the
town is situated.  The matter has been in the Valencia County court for 13 years, and a short time ago the case went again
Chavez.  His attorney gave motion of appeal to the Territorial Court, but the case will not come up again for a hearing.  J.C.
Sánchez, the school superintendent of Valencia and a general merchant of Tomé, offered Chavez a compromise
settlement.  He took 200 acres of land and let the residents of Tomé, now in possession of their homes, remain without any
further litigation, for a small consideration.”